### 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|ECON7200

statistics-lab™ 为您的留学生涯保驾护航 在代写市场经济学Market economy方面已经树立了自己的口碑, 保证靠谱, 高质且原创的统计Statistics代写服务。我们的专家在代写市场经济学Market economy代写方面经验极为丰富，各种代写市场经济学Market economy相关的作业也就用不着说。

• Statistical Inference 统计推断
• Statistical Computing 统计计算
• (Generalized) Linear Models 广义线性模型
• Statistical Machine Learning 统计机器学习
• Longitudinal Data Analysis 纵向数据分析
• Foundations of Data Science 数据科学基础

## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|The rise of the social market economy after the Second World War

While the moral underpinnings of ordoliberally inspired economic and social science stem from the practical experiences with an unfree political system and the failure of a democratic experiment (The Weimar Republic), the implementation of ordoliberal ideas after the war followed somewhat different values. Given the enormous success of the ‘German Economic Miracle’, ${ }^{8}$ one is tempted to believe that the process unfolded without setbacks, opposition, or considerable efforts to push through the desired policies. This would be a grave misunderstanding of the matter, and the following section will thus demonstrate how the early efforts to implement ordoliberal ideas in practical policymaking were frequently met with resistance and thus often had to be, and were, tailored to fit certain popular beliefs and societal demands. The section will lay out in which sense not only economic thinking itself is influenced by moral values and social forces, but how the policy conclusions drawn from economic analysis need to be marketed, sold, and modified in political discourse and practice. The emergence of the social market economy in Germany post-Sccond World War represcnts a concisc illustration of how policy changes may unfold in a coordinated market economy.

The colloquially told story about the birth of the social market economy and the German economic miracle goes something like this: the economy was in shambles after the war, there was an excessive money surplus, prices were controlled, and life was generally miserable. Out of all this came Ludwig Erhard, a hero-like figure, who single-handedly freed the economy from price controls when the Allied Powers introduced currency reform in 1948 . From this moment onwards, everything went smoothly, Germans became rich and ‘lived happily ever after.’

As the somewhat sarcastic tone of the first lines indicates, this account lacks nuance considerably: while the existence of an ‘economic miracle’ can be called into question, we will instead focus on the often-portrayed seamlessness of the process and instead demonstrate that a lot of ‘convincing’ was necessary before the social market economy could be introduced. Problems started soon after the lifting of price controls in June 1948 , with the prices of some gonds (particularly eggs) rising rapidly. This led to outrage and a rejection of the newly introduced market economy by wide segments of the population, casting doubt on the possibility of the implemented reforms being kept up in the long term. It sensitized the ordoliberals towards the prime importance of public opinion being favourable towards the idea of a market economy.

## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|Flourishing, virtue, and the good life in ordoliberalism

The chapter now turns to a thorough discussion of the normative and cultural underpinnings of economies, as viewed by the ordoliberals. We might best approach the matter by thinking through the relationship between markets, virtues, and the idea of a good life in ordoliberal thought. Chapter 3 has illustrated that in the free market tradition, markets are seen as promoters of virtues, which, if consistently applied and lived, will enable what can be dubbed ‘the good life.’ As we shall see, the ordoliberal view differs considerably from this. The notion of what constitutes a good life stands at the beginning of the ordoliberal analysis and is something to be defined by the analyzing economist, who for this purpose also has to be a sociologist or cultural critic. Therefore, markets are merely a way and not the source of achieving the goal of a good life for most people. However, their functioning, and thus also the degree to which they will be able to promole a good life for most people, is dependent on the presence of certain virtues to mediate market activities. ${ }^{12}$ According to the ordoliberal account, the degree to which these virtues are present will determine the attainment of the good life for most.

## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|Non-market prerequisites of the market

It has long been established that the focus on the surrounding frameworks of a market economy, the ‘edges of the market’, is one of the most pronounced characteristics of the ordoliberal approach. At the policy level, this chiefly comes down to a somewhat limited, but strong, state which guarantees the sustainability of the legal order and does not let itself be dominated by special interests.

Additionally, state institutions must actively prevent the formation of cartels and monopolies or, in the case that they already exist, attempt their break-up. In the presence of too much economic power influencing economic processes, a free and welfare-enhancing economic order cannot be realized. The most concise representation of this can be found in Eucken’s seven ‘constituting principles’ and four ‘regulating principles’ of a market economy, according to which certain prerequisites (like private property, freedom to contract, or stable money) have to be met before economic activity can ever unfold on markets (Eucken 1952 [2004]). Once it is underway, principles such as ‘monopoly control’ or ‘distribution of incomes’ serve as the regulating principles.

However, it has often been overlooked that in the ordoliberals’ estimation there also exist non-economic, we might say cultural or moral, prerequisites to successful market interaction, that can neither be created by the market itself nor always be provided by governments (though they can often help people to provide them). Among the elements where government action could potentially lead to conditions that are more favourable are equality of opportunity and some rudimentary knowledge about economic processes on the part of the general population, i.e., the promotion of economic education. With respect to the former, all ordoliberals take a stance that differs markedly from most other liberal approaches to economics, most drastically to what they themselves would refer to as ‘paleoliberalism’, i.e., Ludwig von Mises, for instance. For them, some form of material equality is seen as necessary for the beneficial functioning of a market economy and a prohibitively high inheritance tax as a prerequisite for successfully fighting the problem of economic concentration (Rüstow $1950[2001]$ ). However, they also viewed a more egalitarian distribution of incomes and wealth as morally superior to its more unequal counterpart. All in all, they thought that a society producing extremely non-egalitarian outcomes, and even more so starting positions, will, apart from being less desirable from a normative viewpoint, also create problems for the long-term viability of a market order and a free society. Additionally, the ordoliberals worried about widespread ignorance on the part of the people of their time about the economic order they were actually living in. Consider Eucken on the matter: ‘The economic order remains unknown to man in essential traits – as decisive as it is for his existence’ (Eucken 1952 [2004]: 194). While it would, of course, be unrealistic to make every citizen an informed expert about the economic order that they inhabit, the ordoliberals took seriously the ‘social question’ and in a way also the charges of ‘alienation’ in modern mass societies. Economic policy, they thought, can help to overcome these various deficiencies and provide the basis for the widespread use and acceptance of the market system.

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