### 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|ECON6010

statistics-lab™ 为您的留学生涯保驾护航 在代写微观经济学Microeconomics方面已经树立了自己的口碑, 保证靠谱, 高质且原创的统计Statistics代写服务。我们的专家在代写微观经济学Microeconomics代写方面经验极为丰富，各种代写微观经济学Microeconomics相关的作业也就用不着说。

• Statistical Inference 统计推断
• Statistical Computing 统计计算
• (Generalized) Linear Models 广义线性模型
• Statistical Machine Learning 统计机器学习
• Longitudinal Data Analysis 纵向数据分析
• Foundations of Data Science 数据科学基础

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The Bigger Picture

It is now time to use these examples to develop a more comprehensive view on institutions and transaction costs. The idea that something may be missing in standard theory, which helps explain institutions, goes back to a paper by Ronald Coase that he wrote as early as Coase (1937). Standard theory models firms simply as technological phenomena transforming inputs into outputs, and makes a behavioral assumption that they seek to maximize profits. This “black-box approach” to the firm had the advantage of simplicity and it allowed for generating a lot of deep insights into the functioning of markets, some of which the last chapter covered. However, the standard approach turned out to be ill-suited to answering the question of why firms exist in the first place, given the apparent efficiency of markets. Ronald Coase’s major insight was that transaction costs are at the heart of the problem of optimal institutional design. Unfortunately, transaction costs are a vexed concept, because they turned out to be very difficult to define in a precise and useful way.

Much effort has been devoted to understand the exact conditions under which the invisible hand can leverage self-interest into social welfare and the most useful insight, for this purpose, goes back to another paper by Ronald Coase (1960). If society is interested in promoting efficiency, then every institution that is compatible with this goal must share the same structure: it has to make sure that individuals fully internalize the effects of their behavior on others.

As suggested above, internalization of interdependencies can be achieved by a complete set of competitive markets. The completeness of the markets implies the absence of an important category of market-related transaction costs. The term “transaction costs” is closely related to institutions, since transaction costs can be used to assess the relative “imperfectness” of different institutions (see Definition 6.2). This understanding allows it to put the First Theorem of Welfare Economics into perspective. It was clear from the work of theorists of socialist planning like Oskar Lange $(1936 ; 1937)$ that, under the conditions of the First Theorem of Welfare Economics, a central planning mechanism is efficient as well. In order to find the equilibrium price, “the market” needs information that, in the hands of a central planner, would be sufficient to implement the efficient allocation directly without the detour of market transactions. This implies that, under ideal circumstances, the institutional structure does not matter for the efficiency of the resulting allocation.

Coase (1960) generalized this idea by creating the awareness that it is neither the complete set of markets nor the idealized planner mechanism that is responsible for the result, but two other, implicit assumptions, namely the rationality of economic actors and the absence of transaction costs.

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Externalities in Traffic

A society sufficiently sophisticated to produce the internal combustion engine has not had the sophistication to develop cheap and efficient public transport?

Yes, boss … it’s true. There’s hardly any buses, the trains are hopelessly underfunded, and hence the entire population is stuck in traffic. (Ben Elton, 1991, Gridlock)
The most common feeling of car drivers who are locked in a traffic jam is anger, but these psychological costs are only the tip of the iceberg regarding economic costs caused by crowded streets and overburdened infrastructure. The main causes of traffic jams are accidents, poor infrastructure, peak-hour traffic, and variable traffic speeds on congested roads. The Centre for Economics and Business Research and INRIX (a company providing Internet services pertaining to road traffic) has estimated the impact of such delays on the British, French, German, and American economies. Here are some of the main findings (US data):

• The costs of congestion summed up to $\$ 124$billion in 2013 . This cost is (ceteris paribus) expected to increase$50 \%$to$\$186$ billion by 2030 . The cumulative cost over the 17-year period is projected to be $\$ 2.8$trillion. • The annual cost of traffic for each American household is$\$1700$ today. This cost is expected to rise to $\$ 2300$in 2030 , with huge regional variations (the cost is$\$6000$ in the Los Angeles area). To put these numbers into perspective, the median household income was $\$ 51,939$in 2013 . • The monetary value of carbon emissions caused by congestion was$\$300$ million in 2013 . By 2030 , this is expected to rise to $\$ 538$million, totaling$\$7.6$ billion over the 17 -year period.

Congestion costs of traffic can legitimately count as an externality, because the main causes of these costs are (a) opportunity costs of time, (b) costs of carbon and other emissions, and (c) price effects of higher transportation costs. In order to understand this conjecture, it makes sense to look at a car driver’s decision problem. When deciding if, when or where to use streets, she takes individual costs and benefits into consideration. However, the lion’s share of costs and benefits spills over onto other traffic participants and the general public. Emissions cause either regional or global effects, which are not included in the individual’s decision problem, and other drivers’ wasted time is also neglected. The reason is that decentralized negotiations about when and where to use the streets would lead to prohibitive transaction costs.
What else can one do to make traffic more efficient? What are the institutional alternatives? Solving congestion is not easy. Building more roads, or widening existing ones, can encourage people to drive even more. Charging road users for travelling at busy periods can help to solve the efficiency problem, but it may cause other problems. To highlight them, one can focus on the London Congestion Charge. The standard charge in 2016 was $£ 11.50$ on most motor vehicles operating within the Congestion Charge Zone (Central London) between 07:00 a.m. and 08:00 p.m., Monday through Friday. In theory, the charge should be set such that the individual driver pays a price that is equal to the costs caused by his decision to use a specific network of streets during a given time period. Hence, if the charge is calculated correctly, one can infer that the externality caused by a single driver is approximately $£ 11.50$. If the price of going to central London goes up, demand should go down and one gets the desired increase in efficiency, because congestion is reduced. What makes this instrument problematic is that it has distributional consequences, because the fee is especially burdensome for the relatively poor, who are disproportionately deterred from coming to the city center by car.

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Environmental Externalities

There is a broad consensus among scientists that the rate of species loss is greater now than at any time in human history. In 2007, the German Federal Environment Minister acknowledged that up to $30 \%$ of all species would be extinct by 2010 . The Living Planet Report (World Wildlife Fund, 2014) comes to the conclusion that “the number of mammals, birds, reptiles, amphibians and fish across the globe is, on average, about half the size it was 40 years ago.” If one follows the scientific consensus and assumes that part of the loss in biodiversity is a consequence of the economic system, the question is whether this loss is a result of externalities. Is it possible that mass extinction of species can be Pareto-efficient? This is a tough question, because it requires information about the role of biodiversity in supporting human life on this planet and it relies on assumption about the way humans value biodiversity per se. If one starts with the conservative assumption that biodiversity has only instrumental value in supporting human life and if one admits that intergenerational externalities exist, because current generations do not adequately take the interests of future ones into consideration, then one can make a case for the existence of an externality. This is if one assumes that a more diverse biosphere is more likely to support human life than an impoverished one. This latter conjecture, however, is built on deep uncertainty of the complex role of the biosphere in supporting human life. The deeper problem is that the concept of Pareto efficiency, as seen before, is blind with respect to the distribution of gains from trade, and, more generally, economic welfare. A policy where the present generation has a big “party” and uses up most of the natural resources, leaving a devastated planet where future generations scrap along at the subsistence level, is Pareto-efficient as long as there is no alternative policy to make future generations better off without harming the present ones.

The concept of Pareto efficiency has a lot of shortcomings when it comes to long-term problems, which is why is has been supplemented, and even replaced, by the concept of sustainability in the normative social and natural sciences and in politics. The most popular definition of the concept of sustainable development goes back to the so-called Brundtland Commission of the United Nations (1987): “sustainable development is development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs.” This concept implicitly acknowledges the right of future generations to live a decent life and is, therefore, stronger than the Pareto criterion. However, it still suffers from

the need to understand the complex role of ecosystems and it is anthropocentric in nature. I will come back to this latter point at the end of this subchapter.Returning to a less complex externality, the example of an oil spill illustrates the basic problems and solutions. Assume that a company operates a fleet of oil tankers, which move large quantities of crude oil from its point of extraction to the refineries. The environmental risk of this business model is that oil spills, due to accidents, affect the (marine) environment and may also affect the fishing industry. One can divide the discussion into two parts. Part one assumes that it is possible to attach a meaningful monetary value to the damage caused by oil spills and to ask for institutional arrangements that lead to efficient outcomes. Part two scrutinizes this assumption and takes a closer look at the normative issues that are involved when attaching price tags to oil spills.

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Externalities in Traffic

• 拥堵成本总计为$1242013 年 10 亿。该成本（在其他条件不变的情况下）预计会增加50%至$186到 2030 年 10 亿。预计 17 年期间的累计成本为$2.8兆。 • 每个美国家庭每年的交通成本是$1700今天。预计该成本将上升至$23002030 年，地区差异巨大（成本为$6000在洛杉矶地区）。从这些数字来看，家庭收入中位数是$51,9392013 年。 • 拥堵造成的碳排放的货币价值为$3002013 年百万。到 2030 年，预计这一数字将上升到$538万，总计$7.6在 17 年期间达到 10 亿美元。

## 有限元方法代写

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## MATLAB代写

MATLAB 是一种用于技术计算的高性能语言。它将计算、可视化和编程集成在一个易于使用的环境中，其中问题和解决方案以熟悉的数学符号表示。典型用途包括：数学和计算算法开发建模、仿真和原型制作数据分析、探索和可视化科学和工程图形应用程序开发，包括图形用户界面构建MATLAB 是一个交互式系统，其基本数据元素是一个不需要维度的数组。这使您可以解决许多技术计算问题，尤其是那些具有矩阵和向量公式的问题，而只需用 C 或 Fortran 等标量非交互式语言编写程序所需的时间的一小部分。MATLAB 名称代表矩阵实验室。MATLAB 最初的编写目的是提供对由 LINPACK 和 EISPACK 项目开发的矩阵软件的轻松访问，这两个项目共同代表了矩阵计算软件的最新技术。MATLAB 经过多年的发展，得到了许多用户的投入。在大学环境中，它是数学、工程和科学入门和高级课程的标准教学工具。在工业领域，MATLAB 是高效研究、开发和分析的首选工具。MATLAB 具有一系列称为工具箱的特定于应用程序的解决方案。对于大多数 MATLAB 用户来说非常重要，工具箱允许您学习应用专业技术。工具箱是 MATLAB 函数（M 文件）的综合集合，可扩展 MATLAB 环境以解决特定类别的问题。可用工具箱的领域包括信号处理、控制系统、神经网络、模糊逻辑、小波、仿真等。