### 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|POGO8064

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## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|Introduction and setting the stage

This volume aims at carving out the relationship between economic and normative thinking in different kinds of market economies. The present chapter is devoted to demonstrating this intricate interplay with regard to the school of German ordoliberalism. We highlight the normative and moral aspects of thinking about markets practised in the ordoliberal tradition in three ways. First, we draw on the historical genesis of the ordoliberal framework during the days of National Socialism and their practical implementation in Germany after the Second World War. Second, we describe ordoliberal thinking about the role of culture, social norms, and values for economic outcomes. Finally, we also link the latter aspects to current research in ‘contextual economics.’
The chapter’s set-up is as follows. After having given a (very) brief description of the main tenets of ordoliberalism, we use Section $4.3$ to inquire into the historical emergence of ordoliberal ideas and thus review the role of the ordoliberal economists’ experience during the Nazi dictatorship. We highlight the way in which the concept of freedom, and thus their self-conception as a liberal school of thought, gains importance for the ordoliberals during the dark days of National Socialism. In addition, we show how practical experiences led them to integrate mechanisms for the preservation of liberty into their frameworks for the successful ordering of social and economic structures. Section $4.4$ deals with the time immediately following the Second World War and the implementation of ordoliberal ideas into practical policies: the emergence of the social market economy. This chapter shows how the ordoliberals attempted to adapt their vision of a well-ordered society to the particular problems and societal demands present in Germany at the time. We show how their responding to the particular circumstances resulted in an open-minded, nondogmatic form of liberalism that does not understand itself as a fixed set of dogmas. Finally, Section $4.5$ highlights another aspect where values, worldviews, and practices converge in the ordoliberal account, namely the conviction that many of the social problems experienced in modern societies are ultimately not economic, but reside in the area that ‘lies beyond supply and demand’, as Wilhelm Röpke (Röpke 1958 [2009]: 131) put it. With this conviction in mind, the nature of ordoliberal proposals for policy reform, as well as the contemporary understanding of ordoliberalism as a contextual approach to economics, becomes understandable. Section $4.6$ concludes.

## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|A (very) brief introduction to ordoliberalism

For this project, ordoliberalism stands as a representation of a typical school of thought for the ‘coordinated market tradition’ prevalent in Germany. With all its peculiarities, ordoliberalism is commonly regarded as the German variety of neoliberalism (Riha 1986; Barry 1989; Kolev 2015; Gray 2009; Biebricher 2017). Ordoliberalism mostly dates back to an interdisciplinary research group of economists and legal scholars, the so-called Freiburger Schule (Freiburg School). It was founded at the University of Freiburg in the 1930 s by the economist Walter Eucken (1881-1950) and two jurists, Franz Böhm (1895-1977) and Hans Grobmann-Doerth (1894-1944). As the name implies, ordoliberalism emphasizes above all the necessity of basic principles for the establishment of an economic order, which must be created and maintained by the state as a legal framework in order to guarantee a free, prosperous, and humane society. Considering this to be the main characteristic of ordoliberalism and as a contrast to other liberal currents, further important scholars beyond the Freiburg School are: Alexander Riistow (1885-1963), Wilhelm Röpke (1899–1966), Alfred Müller-Arnack (1901-1978), and Ludwig Erhard (1897-1977).

While ordoliberalism as such had a rather little impact on the progress of economics as a scientific discipline in Germany after the Second World War, it neverthcless cxcrted considerablc influcnce on policymaking (cf. Hessc 2010). It is particularly interesting to see that ordoliberal teachings were frequently ‘merged’ with and engrossed by other, sometimes quite different, approaches to political economy. Among these, Karl Schiller’s’ ‘Globalsteuerung’, which tried to harmonize the concerns of ordoliberalism with the Keynesian approach, is probably most prominent, even though the combination of ‘Ordnungspolitik’ and ‘Prozesspolitik’ must ultimately be seen as not having gained solid ground in Germany (cf. Hagemann 2017). But Helmut Kohl’s chancellorship, too, around the time of Gemman Unification was – at least as far as his rhetoric is concerned – very much influenced by the ordoliberal creed. ${ }^{2}$ In more recent times, ordoliberally inspired arguments have helped legitimize Agenda 2010 , one of the most comprehensive welfare state reforms ever undertaken in an industrialized country striving to embed social assistance, unemployment insurance, and activating labour market policies in a rules-based approach (Hien 2013). This illustrates the ordoliberal grounding of what is often referred to as ‘the third way’: a project of renewal for Furopean Social Democracy initiated by the British Prime Minister Tony Blair and German Chancellor Gerhard Schröder in 1999 (cf. Blair and Schröder 1999). It sought to combine the advantages of a competitive market order with an efficient and functional welfare state by grounding the latter in a set of rules in order to ensure their compatibility. Lastly, the decisive ordoliberal underpinnings of the German take on monetary policy have also become visible during the Euro-crisis, of which Chapter 9 in this volume gives a brief account.

## 经济代写|市场经济学代写Market economy代考|The emergence of ordoliberalism during the dark days of National Socialism

As we have shown elsewhere (Fritz et al. 2021), ordoliberalism’s roots are somewhat atypical for a self-styled ‘liberal’ approach to economics. While the single greatest influence in terms of economic thinking can be seen in the Younger German Historical School (Schefold 1995 and Häuser 1994) – hardly a contender in the competition for the most ‘liberal’ approach to political economy – the philosophical underpinnings of liberal thought also do not centre on the ‘usual suspects’ of liberal philosophy. Classics such as Locke or Hume are all but neglected in most of the ordoliberals’ accounts, ${ }^{4}$ while their philosophical roots can clearly be identified with phenomenology ${ }^{5}$ and (neo-) Kantian approaches (Klump and Wörsdorfer 2009). If one adds to that the frequent and overly explicit delimitation to ‘laissez faire-liberalism’, other liberal economists and Adam Smith (Horn 2019), one might actually be tempted to ask whether ordoliberalism is indeed a liberal school of thought without liberal roots (Fritz et al. 2021). We answer the question about the ordoliberals’ nonaffiliation with liberalism in the negative, but point to the formative effect of the experiences of the ordoliberals during the time of the Nazi dictatorship. As such, ordoliberalism’s founding and the search for rules for a harmonious and peaceful coexistence that is so characteristic of the ordoliberal approach both have their origin in highly normative and moral issues: the rejection of and fight against the Nazi dictatorship.

The issue can be illustrated with the ordoliberals’ publication history: their early writing was clearly centred on narrow economic questions such as business cycle (Röpke 1929), trade theory (Rüstow 1925), or detailed descriptions of various business segments (Eucken 1914 and 1921), very much in the tradition of the German Historical School. However, their scope and aim changed in the $1930 \mathrm{~s}$ and $40 \mathrm{~s}$ and increasingly linked economic questions to matters of political organization and social philosophy. ${ }^{6}$ In addition, the very concept of ‘freedom’ and clear statements about the desirability of its maintenance can only be found from this period onwards. The practical experiences with a very concrete loss of freedom lead to a deeper reflection about the prerequisites of an economic and social order that will reliably prevent such restraints in the future. The achievement of this aim requires extending the realm of analysis from merely economic topics to broader issues as is evident from the titles of their publications at the time: ‘The Social Crisis of Our Time’ (Röpke 1947a), ‘Civitas Humana’ (Röpke 1944 [1979]), ‘Changes in State-Structures and the Crisis of Capitalism’ (Eucken 1926), or ‘Freedom and Domination: A Historical Critique of Civilization’ (Rüstow 1980). These titles do not sound like titles of economics textbooks, and that is certainly not what they were.

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