### 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|THE ANTI-TEXT

statistics-lab™ 为您的留学生涯保驾护航 在代写微观经济学Microeconomics方面已经树立了自己的口碑, 保证靠谱, 高质且原创的统计Statistics代写服务。我们的专家在代写微观经济学Microeconomics代写方面经验极为丰富，各种代写微观经济学Microeconomics相关的作业也就用不着说。

• Statistical Inference 统计推断
• Statistical Computing 统计计算
• (Generalized) Linear Models 广义线性模型
• Statistical Machine Learning 统计机器学习
• Longitudinal Data Analysis 纵向数据分析
• Foundations of Data Science 数据科学基础

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The inherent tension with macroeconomics

As we mentioned one seminal book in economics, Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations, let’s mention another: John Maynard Keynes’s The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money. Published in 1936 during the Great Depression, it attempted to explain how unemployment

could persist, and what governments could do about it. In doing this, Keynes became the founding father of macroeconomics. This is the study of large aggregates, and explains such things as unemployment, inflation, exchange rates and interest rates; whereas microeconomics deals with smaller units, such as individual markets.

Keynes’s message is the opposite of Smith’s. Whereas Smith emphasized that a capitalist market economy can be self-regulating and efficient, Keynes emphasized that it was inherently prone to cycles of boom and bust – and those periods of bust are terribly inefficient. Whereas Smith emphasized that rational decision-making leads to an efficient outcome, Keynes emphasized that people’s behaviour, particularly regarding business investment, is driven by waves of spontaneous optimism and pessimism and (implicitly) fuelled by greed, fear and the herd instinct.
When it comes to macroeconomics, Keynes’s thinking still dominates. It is generally accepted that the government must intervene in the economy to prevent both recessions and overblown expansions, and that it must regulate some sectors. Yet, when it comes to textbook microeconomics, the thinking of Adam Smith dominates. It’s an uneasy coexistence.

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Scarcity and unlimited wants? Reconsidering the economic problem

According to the texts, the ‘economic problem’ is making choices that allocate our scarce resources in the best way given our unlimited wants. Difficult trade-offs are inevitable. But this view of the economic problem can be challenged in several ways.

Economists in the ‘post-Keynesian’ school reject scarcity as a fundamental truth. In their view, economies typically have unemployed resources. If those resources could be put to work, more of everything could be produced. We could have our cake and eat it too; there would be no opportunity cost if all the resources being put to work had been involuntarily unemployed. As Canadian economist Marc Lavoie writes, ¿… since full employment of resources is not assumed, the discussion of their efficient allocation is not a major issue. Rather, what is emphasized among post-Keynesian economists is the degree to which these resources are utilized. ${ }^{74}$

Post-Keynesians aren’t the only ones who reject scarcity as a basic economic condition. For example, Emily Northrop questions whether the texts’ assertion that people’s wants are insatiable is true. She notes that some people manage to resist consumerism and choose different lifestyles embodying simplicity, balance or connection (to the earth and to others). The fact that some are able to do this suggests unlimited wants aren’t innate. As she points out, the texts ignore the ‘cultural and economic institutions that nurture human wants’, such as advertising. Their assertion of insatiability effectively legitimates and promotes consumerism. ${ }^{5}$

Northrop also points out that the notion of unlimited wants puts all wants on an equal footing: one person’s want for a subsistence diet is no more important than a millionaire’s want for precious jewellery. This equality of wants reflects the market value system that no goods are intrinsically more worthy than others – just as no preferences are more worthy than others. This is clearly a value judgement and one that many people reject. Yet economics, which unquestioningly adopts this approach, claims to be an objective social science that avoids making value judgements!

If we accept this view of unlimited wants, the economic problem can never be solved once and for all. But if we reject the view that all wants have equal merit, the economic problem can be redefined in a way that has a solution. Northrop cites John Maynard Keynes’s view that the economic problem is the ‘struggle for subsistence’ and that it could be solved if everyone’s basic needs were met. Keynes distinguished between two kinds of needs: those which are ‘absolute in the sense that we feel them whatever the situation of our fellow human beings may be, and those which are relative’, which depend only on what others have and may indeed be unlimited. However, for Keynes, absolute needs took priority and he foresaw the possibility of the economic problem being solved (in the then developed countries at least) within a century of the time that he was writing. ${ }^{6}$

This definition of the economic problem clearly requires a value judgement about which needs get moral weight, just as the one in the text does. But Keynes’s definition puts equity and the distribution of income front and centre. It contrasts with the textbook approach of treating equity as a political issue outside the scope of economic analysis.

In general, we could think of economics as being about ‘how societies organize themselves to support human life and its flourishing’ – or about how they fail to do so. Such a ‘provisioning’ definition of economics encompasses both markets and families, both money and care’, as Julie Nelson puts it. ${ }^{7}$

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The individual versus the corporation

Marglin argues that the textbook focus on individuals is problematic. John Kenneth Galbraith went further. He thought the textbook focus on individuals was a source of grave error and bias because in the real world the individual is not the agent that matters most. The corporation is.

By having the wrong focus, economics is able to deny the importance of power and political interests.

Textbooks assume that rational individuals with stable preferences, uninfluenced by advertising, allocate their spending to maximize their own happiness. This suggests that individuals, through their spending, exercise ultimate control over both what is produced and how it is produced. Of course, entrepreneurs and corporate managers actually make those decisions. But (so the conventional argument goes) they are governed by their anticipations of market response – they cannot survive if customers don’t buy. Thus, even large corporations are subordinate to the market.
Further, textbooks assume that the state is subordinate to individuals through the ballot box. At the very least, government is assumed to be neutral, intervening to correct market failure as best it can, and to redistribute income to make market outcomes more equitable.

But this idealized world is so far removed from the real world that it is little more than a myth, or ‘perhaps even a fraud’. ${ }^{\prime 1}$ The power of the largest corporations rivals that of the state; indeed, they often hijack the state’s power for their own purposes. In reality, we see the management of the consumer by corporations; and we see the subordination of the state to corporate interests.

Galbraith saw economic life as a bipolar phenomenon. In one part of the economy there are vast numbers of small-scale businesses, where the market is paramount and the state is remote. This is the part featured in economic instruction and in political speeches, even as it fast disappears. ‘For the small retailer, Wal-Mart awaits. For the family farm, there are the massive grain and fruit enterprises and the modern large-scale meat producers’.12

The other part of the American economy consists of a few hundred enormously powerful corporations. What they need in research and development, or environmental policy, or public works, or emergency financial support, becomes public policy. Government policy is influenced in widely accepted ways. “Between public and private bureaucracies between GM and the Department of Transportation, General Dynamics and the Pentagon – there is a deeply symbiotic relationship. Each of these organizations can do much for the other. There is even, between them, a large and continuous interchange of executive personnel’. 13

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|Scarcity and unlimited wants? Reconsidering the economic problem

“后凯恩斯主义”学派的经济学家拒绝将稀缺性作为一个基本事实。在他们看来，经济体通常有失业资源。如果这些资源可以投入使用，那么可以生产更多的东西。我们可以吃蛋糕，也可以吃；如果所有投入工作的资源都非自愿地失业，就不会有机会成本。正如加拿大经济学家马克·拉沃（Marc Lavoie）所写，¿…… 由于没有假设资源充分利用，因此讨论资源的有效分配不是主要问题。相反，后凯恩斯主义经济学家强调的是这些资源的利用程度。74

## 经济代写|微观经济学代写Microeconomics代考|The individual versus the corporation

Marglin 认为，教科书对个人的关注是有问题的。约翰·肯尼斯·加尔布雷思走得更远。他认为教科书对个人的关注是严重错误和偏见的根源，因为在现实世界中，个人并不是最重要的代理人。公司是。

## 有限元方法代写

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## MATLAB代写

MATLAB 是一种用于技术计算的高性能语言。它将计算、可视化和编程集成在一个易于使用的环境中，其中问题和解决方案以熟悉的数学符号表示。典型用途包括：数学和计算算法开发建模、仿真和原型制作数据分析、探索和可视化科学和工程图形应用程序开发，包括图形用户界面构建MATLAB 是一个交互式系统，其基本数据元素是一个不需要维度的数组。这使您可以解决许多技术计算问题，尤其是那些具有矩阵和向量公式的问题，而只需用 C 或 Fortran 等标量非交互式语言编写程序所需的时间的一小部分。MATLAB 名称代表矩阵实验室。MATLAB 最初的编写目的是提供对由 LINPACK 和 EISPACK 项目开发的矩阵软件的轻松访问，这两个项目共同代表了矩阵计算软件的最新技术。MATLAB 经过多年的发展，得到了许多用户的投入。在大学环境中，它是数学、工程和科学入门和高级课程的标准教学工具。在工业领域，MATLAB 是高效研究、开发和分析的首选工具。MATLAB 具有一系列称为工具箱的特定于应用程序的解决方案。对于大多数 MATLAB 用户来说非常重要，工具箱允许您学习应用专业技术。工具箱是 MATLAB 函数（M 文件）的综合集合，可扩展 MATLAB 环境以解决特定类别的问题。可用工具箱的领域包括信号处理、控制系统、神经网络、模糊逻辑、小波、仿真等。